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Amid the endless gray apartment blocks of this eastern coal-mining town, German history has come full circle. IMDb's advanced search allows you to run extremely powerful queries over all people and titles in the database. Find exactly what you're looking for! on IMDb: Movies, TV, Celebs, and more Oscars Best Picture Winners Best Picture Winners Golden Globes Emmys STARmeter Awards San Diego Comic-Con New York Comic-Con Sundance Film Festival Toronto Int'l Film Festival Awards Central Festival Central All Events.

Director: Sebastian Marka Stars: Nora Tschirner , Christian Ulmen , Arndt Schwering-Sohnrey , Thorsten Merten. Director: Ed Herzog Stars: Nora Tschirner , Christian Ulmen , Jürgen Vogel , Jeanette Hain.

A woman of a sausage company is kidnapped. The detectives are struggling to find the possible murderer in a small village in Germany.

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IMDb user rating average 1 1. While irreducible to one another, they cannot be understood separately either Castree 27, original emphasis. This means capitalism is produced by and also produces a distinctive spatio- temporality.

Changes in capitalism, or in capitalist accumulation, are seen to result in different space-times and vice versa. Capitalism is seen as a driving force of the way in which space and time are produced.

The concept of time-space compression Harvey , takes as its starting point the speeding up of social relations, based on the transformation of capitalism from Fordism to flexible accumulation, which is seen to have led to new ways of experiencing and practising space-time.

This also means that geographical and historical context and difference play important roles in the social processes in which time and space are constructed.

The differences may lead to conflict. Power is located with capital and results in an acceleration of time, which leads to time conquering space.

In this context, capitalism finally leads to a privileging of time in comparison to space. Castells offers a similar pattern of spatial and temporal polarisation in juxtaposing integrated global spaces to disintegrated local spaces - spaces of flows versus spaces of places.

Yet, to some extent, a similar starting point of understanding time and space as effects of social relations remains: they are more complex, but still decisive.

It is important to note that conceptualising time and space in this way means that time and space are not primarily seen as being shaped by abstract or distant forces of construction such as capitalism or globalisation.

There are, however, considerable differences in approach, which seem to rest on the way in which power is understood: conceptions of power as limiting and oppressive entail foci on different aspects of space and time than notions of power as enabling and productive.

The subject does not exist prior to power: rather it is produced by it. There is no longer total surveillance, but inmates are expected to conduct themselves properly because they may be watched at any time.

This productive conception of spaces has not received the same attention as narrow interpretations of control and surveillance. The latter are often directly derived from discussions of the Pantopticon.

In other words, rather than merely writing histories of space, Foucault is writing spatial histories Elden The engagement with time rarely goes beyond methodological concerns for taking a historical approach see also Section 4.

This machinery is mainly derived from the military and gradually translated into different pedagogical practices. This section has shown that a particular link between power and subjectivity as suggested in the research perspective of governmentality can make a difference in terms of their relation to space and time.

The suggested productive relation is considerably different from an understanding of space and time as products of capitalist accumulation see Section 3.

They also differ from approaches that are concerned with how space and time are produced and what can be known about them.

Rather, this focus on power and subjectivity suggests focusing on how a productive power configures time and space, that is: how space and time may be seen to bring about different subjects in governmental programmes and strategies — whether these finally come about or not.

In Sections 3. A related concern of these diverse studies is an analysis of the different roles space plays in government.

Assuming place to take an integral space in rationalities of government, Huxley summarises a variety of ways in which space may play a role in the analysis of government focusing on: how different kinds of spaces are constituted as objects and aims of government; how they figure in programmes and practices of government; and how material spaces and built forms are deployed as techniques of rule by multiple institutions of reform and control, which may of may not be linked to the state Huxley , original emphasis.

These different focal points are based on a broad understanding of space ranging from ideas and representations of spaces such as in maps, statistics, urban policy, plans and programmes to material spaces such as built forms, urban configurations, architecture and the internal organisation and layout of buildings.

So, the analysis is not of the effects of government in space, but in contrast, the focus is on how space is an integral part of government, be it as an object or aim of government, as a spatial rationality or as a spatial or environmental technology.

The spaces on which policies work are constituted as part of the policy process. The view of space as an object is concerned with how it is divided up, measured and mapped and what spatial and environmental qualities are considered desirable in what places and how these are differentiated.

Furthermore, the intervention into particular spaces can be seen as a response to the association of particular problems such as particular parts of the populations or specific individuals with these spaces.

Working on these spaces, however, also means to work on the problems of the population and of individuals associated with these spaces: [P]roblem definition starts from area rather than individual or even social group, although, of course, a concern with the area is often used as a coded way of referring to a concern about the particular groups which are believed to be concentrated in it Cochrane 3.

Working on spaces may in this way be seen as implicitly linked to seeking effects on individuals, groups or populations.

It is then a gradual move to see spaces as also contributing to making up and constituting these as particular subjects of government.

Studies that focus on how space is used in government as a tool to achieve certain ends, e. Healthy, open and transparent spaces are seen to produce healthy subjects and thus work against the urban problem of morbidity and sickness or degeneration more generally.

In projects of political subjectification of governmental self-formation, appropriate bodily comportments and forms of subjectivity are to be fostered through the positive, catalytic qualities of spaces, places and environments.

These productive spatial rationalities operate in different modes, making use of different combinations of, for instance, geometric, biological, medical, environmental or evolutionary causalities Huxley The idea is that specific spaces or spatial configurations are intended to have causal effects on the population and on individuals.

Spatial rationalities of government intend desired effects, whether these come about or not. This is different from spatial and environmental determinism positing that space, in and of itself, actually has these effects in the real.

Yet, the insights gained from these studies can offer valuable starting points and directions. These become clearer in the examination of spatial rationalities in the next section.

Government can be seen to operate with certain spatial rationalities — truths - in order to achieve certain effects. The question of how space is thought of and how spatial causality is conceived is hence an important point of the analysis.

A closer reading of Discipline and Punish Foucault shows that disciplinary power also goes beyond the narrowly interpreted ideas of spaces of control and surveillance.

Disciplinary power can therefore be seen to bring about a new subject: A meticulous observation of detail, and at the same time a political awareness of these small things, for the control and use of men, emerge through the classical age bearing with them a whole set of techniques, a whole corpus of methods and knowledge, descriptions, plans and data.

And from such trifles, no doubt, the man [sic] of modern humanism was born Foucault , emphasis added.

So, how can these characteristics be transferred to a study concerned with a city, particularly in terms of liberal forms of rule?

Osborne and Rose use the notion in relation to the urban. Diagrams can thus be considered as responses to particular problem spaces: [The] work of diagnosis is a kind of reconstruction of the problem spaces to which particular urban diagrams provide different answers.

The liberal diagram presupposes the insanitary city; the eugenic diagram presupposes the degenerating city; the eudaemonic diagram presupposes the city of deviant, antisocial subcultures; and so on.

The forces of ungovernability are not, then, to be romanticised as being somehow outside the urban diagram altogether. On the contrary, urban governmentality uses the insidious ungovernability of the city as a resource and an inspiration Osborne and Rose For an analysis of the ways in which urban shrinkage was constituted and how responses emerged in relation to it, the identification of urban diagrams might provide a useful direction, not least because a diagram is understood to work as a bracket that includes diverging approaches to governing: To speak of diagrams is to try and individuate the regularities that are giving form to the multitude of local, fluid, fleeting endeavours, stratagems, and tactics that characterise the forces seeking to govern this or that aspect of urban existence Osborne and Rose Space can be seen as standing in a causal relationship to bring about desirable effects, which can be discerned as truths of the relationship between subjects and spaces, as spatial rationalities.

The causal logic does not necessarily produce its ends, as effects can turn out differently. In relations of power there is always the potential for resistance: the healthy city does not necessarily produce healthy subjects despite governmental intentions.

There may also be mismatch or plain failure. In examining the ways in which a shrinking city governs its future, a focus on spatial rationalities is particularly useful because it suggests examining spatial causalities that underpin the different ways in which the future of the city is conceived and worked towards.

In the next section, spatial techniques and technologies are examined that form an equally important part of the conceptual toolkit.

This includes diverse techniques: surveys, maps, statistics, diagrams, census data and other means. The intention is not to offer a comprehensive discussion, but to reflect on a few issues related to spatial technologies such as the extent to which they entail certain spatial rationalities.

Order is imposed and knowledge gained by drawing up tables: distribution and analysis, supervision and intelligibility.

Statistics and mapping, for instance can be seen as important techniques of delineating the spatial boundaries of particular social phenomena.

In this way, mapping may be seen as a technique to visualise what had previously been invisible see e. Söderström and to visualise it may be seen as the first step to act upon what was then known.

The next example shows that spatial techniques and technologies are not only available to government; they can also be used as forms of empowerment.

Appadurai shows this in a study of groups of the urban poor in Mumbai, India, who started to produce their own data about slums and slum dwellers.

This enabled the groups to build partnerships with official agencies supporting their own cause. However, space can also be seen to bring about certain effects on subjects as was demonstrated in the section on spatial rationalities, which may even employ the notion of spatial causality.

This focus emphasises the productive qualities of spaces. If we take government to intend effects on human conduct, the focus on spatial rationalities can provide useful insights.

The discussion on spatial techniques and technologies has demonstrated that these can be used for diverse and sometimes contradictory spatial rationalities, which is important to keep in mind in the analysis.

How these considerations of space in government relate to a concern with time and temporality as objects, rationalities and techniques of government, has not yet received much attention in governmentality studies.

In studying shrinking cities, issues relating to time are brought to the fore. Population loss, for instance, produces certain insecurities in terms of the future: questioning, for example, the extent of services that can be maintained in the city.

The debates about the future of East Germany and in particular about shrinking cities that were examined in Chapter 1 have demonstrated this.

Expectations of the speed at which the East would catch up to the West were regularly adjusted. So, contrary to what calculations, prognoses and forecasts may suggest, what happens in the future is not clear — things may turn out differently.

The question that arises from this for this thesis is how assumptions about time, for instance, in terms of durations or directions of development play a role in government.

Yet, as this section shows, prognoses may be seen as a temporal technique of governing. This section shows that time, as much as space, may be seen as an object, rationality and technique of government.

Government aims for the future and as a basis of this it employs certain ways of thinking about time in terms of predictions, or social scientific theorisations.

Social processes such as urban shrinkage can be related to different temporalities. This also applies to the wider context, in which shrinkage can be seen as a necessary step to progress and further development, or as a first sign of regress.

How long this takes and whether the aim is a moving target or a fixed one is difficult to determine before it actually happens. Temporal considerations of government are however not limited to the context of shrinkage, growth also raises certain issues in terms of time: how long can certain processes continue if resources and space are limited?

This section reflects on the future as an object of government, it considers temporal rationalities and discusses temporal techniques and technologies.

In this way, government is oriented towards achieving a better future, and is thus a practice concerned with time and temporality. In contrast, it refers to the ends and goals, the telos of government.

An important precondition of this is the conception of the future as open to and shaped by, human intervention and not fixed or determined by transcendental interference Reith In other words, it is necessary to conceive the future as governable or administrable.

Government, in this sense, is based on a certain temporality of an open future that can be endlessly transformed. In shrinking cities, part of what is to be achieved through government is to stop shrinkage, because if shrinkage continues, so the logic goes, the city may eventually not have a future, i.

Government, in this context, is not only based on achieving a better future, but on securing a future in the first place, that is, achieving a future at all.

This may not necessarily be in terms of progress, in contrast, it may, as the next section shows, also rest on the idea that time has a certain productivity in terms of the associated effects on subjects.

It is necessary to start with an examination of the productive aspects of time as developed in Discipline and Punish , in which Foucault draws a direct line between ways of administering and controlling time and the coming about of a new form of subjectivity.

That is why we find the problem of, and the techniques of, maximum extraction of time in a whole series of institutions.

The introduction of a universal time as opposed to different localised times, which went hand in hand with the introduction with faster modes of transport and communication Schivelbusch ; Cresswell can be considered as important steps to arrive at this extraction of time.

Rose distinguishes between the disciplinary management of time and the advanced liberal management of time as an act of self-control: The bell, the timetable, the whistle at the end of the shift manage time externally, disciplinary.

The beeping wrist watch, the courses in time management and the like inscribe the particular temporalities into the comportment of free citizens as a matter of their self-control Rose 31, emphasis added.

The move from disciplinary time to the time of liberal government means that the external control of time is replaced by an internalised control of self-government, which represents a new temporal rationality.

This section has sought to explain that time can be understood in different ways in relation to government. The first requires docile subjects and aims to extract the maximum amount of time from them.

The second transfers the temporal control and management to autonomous subjects, who have attained capacities of temporal self-government.

Subjects become masters of their own time. This transferral goes along with a range of temporal techniques that also serve to make future eventualities calculable and to provide a basis for decision-making.

In this, it is confronted with certain problems, e. How one analyses danger is closely related to constituting a problem.

Risk calculations are based on determining patterns in large samples and for this reason they can only provide insight into the likelihood of certain phenomena occurring, for instance the rate at which smokers develop lung cancer; or the rate at which local inhabitants who become unemployed leave the city to find a job elsewhere; or the rate at which unders leave the city to go to university.

No matter how accurate these risk calculations are, they cannot predict what is going to happen in each individual case of a smoker, an unemployed person or an under old.

When risk is understood as a construction, as suggested above, different levels of risk cannot be attached to particular times.

An increased level of risk, for instance, cannot be related to epochal transformations, e. Times do not become increasingly uncertain, instead, government based on risks may also be a form of governing as little as possible, a form of liberal government, which governs through freedom see next Section.

To calculate risk is to master time, to discipline the future. Calculations of risk may be seen to provide security Ewald ; such calculations may, however, also be seen to provide a basis for government.

If population loss is identified as one of the risks in a shrinking city, the calculation of its probable extension into the future provides security in terms of governing it.

Security provides a measure for decision-making and induces certain forms of self- government as it does not prescribe which actions to take or not take.

This study expands on the conceptual development of time and it does so for a particular empirical reason: time as well as space are prominent issues in the debates and practices of governing the future of East Germany — be it in terms of the different temporal expectations in relation to the unification process or in terms of spaces that are seen to have no future.

Hence, temporality can be seen as an important element of government. The present study builds on a relatively short time- span as the notion of shrinking cities emerged around the turn of the century and related discussions also only date back to times of German Unity in The particular focus on contestation and conflict also serves to provide a framework to conceptually counter these issues in a largely contemporary study.

In examining both directions of critique more closely, the argument is made that a few concepts and approaches can be found in the governmentality literature to address these.

Finally, the criticism that governmentality does not follow any inherent politics or is apolitical Stenson is discussed and the potential for a critical politics in using a governmentality approach is explored.

As an assemblage of diverse practices, which are worked on to present a coherence by rationality, government is real throughout - it is not something that is conceived of in a quiet chamber and then released to the world.

Government may thus be thought of as a messy actuality in itself. A discussion of the reasons to focus on instabilities of government shows that these enable the exercise of a particular form of critique.

So I am speaking of relations that exist at different levels, in different forms; these power relations are mobile, they can be modified, they are not fixed once and for all… in order for power relations to come into play, there must be at least a certain degree of freedom on both sides… This means that in power relations there is necessarily the possibility of resistance because if there were no possibility of resistance of violent resistance, flight, deception, strategies capable of reversing the situation , there would be no power relations at all.

Foucault b: , original emphasis Power relations are thus not predefined, but local, contextual and subject to change.

Their constitution has to be analysed; it cannot be preconceived. This involves a different understanding of freedom: It is not, then, that studies of governmentality neglect resistance to programs of government, or to techniques for the shaping of conduct; what they do refuse is the idea of resistance derived from the analytical framework of agency versus structure that has haunted so much contemporary social theory.

After all, if freedom is not to be defined as the absence of constraint, but rather as a diverse array of invented technologies of the self, such a binary is meaningless.

But more than this, structure almost always implies limits to freedom and almost always implies some underlying logic or social force that has to be overcome in order that the structures be breached or transformed Rose et al.

Practices of freedom can only exist when there is no state of domination — they can exist in power relations. Resistance, understood in relation to this idea of freedom, is far from being romanticised Keith ; see also Huxley If resistance is not understood as opposed to power or as the means to achieve freedom, it may be useful to look at it as a practice that is based on different governmental rationalities.

Counter-conducts in this sense are inherent in assemblages of government. Gibson In the theoretical frame of government as the conduct of conducts the question can be reformulated once again: how does counter-conduct appear?

This is a relevant question in the context of shrinking cities: Kil , for instance, whose essay was mentioned in the Introduction see Section 1.

Is there a different form of life beyond growth? What forms of life does sustained shrinkage bring about?

Rather, in analysing the ways in which assemblages of government are formed and transformed, they formulate a specific critique of what is, and what has so far not been, questioned.

However, a governmentality perspective does want to achieve something — and that is critique, which, for Foucault, is the starting point of transformation.

The role of critique is pivotal for these changes as it can fuel processes of conflict, posing questions about the present ways of doing things.

Its use should be in processes of conflict and confrontation, essays in refusal. It is a challenge directed to what is Foucault b: The justification of critique lies in its ability to stimulate those who work on governing shrinkage in practice to think differently.

Hence, change can come from each subject who acts: there are no preconditions such as freeing subjects from domination or bringing an end to capitalism.

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While local officials here hope for government money to redevelop the town center with a large recreation center and other communal activities that will inject a degree of civic pride and a greater tolerance for those few foreigners who remain here, the problem for Germany is far greater.

Although the wave of attacks on foreigners have found a more overt degree of public sympathy among eastern Germans, who have had little previous exposure to outsiders, they have also found an echo among western Germans, fearful that the sudden influx of immigrants and asylum-seekers poses a genuine threat to their prosperity.

An estimated quarter of a million emigres are expected to seek asylum in Germany this year, according to federal Interior Ministry figures. Sensing the public worry, opposition Social Democrats, who had long fought such changes, now no longer exclude them.

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